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Ulm

War and Peace

Ulm is significant in War and Peace not as a fully staged battlefield but as a decisive strategic absence: its capture and the surrender of the Austrian army are first encountered through reports, shocked witnesses, and the consequences imposed on Mikhail Kutuzov’s forces. The disaster destroys the assumptions behind the allied campaign, alters the meaning of victory and defeat, and makes the Russian army’s subsequent retreat along the Danube a struggle to preserve itself rather than to defend Vienna or execute an orderly offensive.

Ulm as the Campaign’s Strategic Catastrophe

Ulm enters the narrative through the arrival of the defeated Austrian commander Mack at headquarters. Kutuzov’s face remains immobile when he sees him, then registers the gravity of the encounter in a brief wave of wrinkles before he respectfully admits Mack and closes the door. The report circulating among the officers is confirmed: the Austrians have been beaten, and the whole army has surrendered at Ulm. Within half an hour, adjutants are dispatched with orders showing that the previously inactive Russian troops will soon have to meet the French.

The surrender changes the scale of the campaign. Before Ulm, the allied forces still possess plans for an offensive prepared according to the “modern science of strategics” by the Austrian Hofkriegsrat. After Ulm, those plans no longer govern events. Kutuzov’s immediate concern is not the seizure of territory but the preservation of his own army and its junction with forces advancing from Russia. Ulm therefore marks the point at which theoretical strategy yields to emergency movement, exhaustion, and the practical problem of avoiding the fate that has overtaken Mack.

News, Witnesses, and the Collapse of Confidence

Prince Andrei Bolkonsky is among the staff officers most interested in the general progress of the war, and hearing Mack’s report gives the defeat an intellectual and emotional force. He understands that half the campaign has already been lost and vividly imagines the difficulties facing the Russian army, as well as the part he may have to play. His response is divided: he feels an involuntary satisfaction at Austria’s humiliation and excitement at the prospect of taking part in the first Russian encounter with the French since the campaigns of Suvorov, yet he fears that Napoleon’s genius may outweigh Russian courage and cannot accept the possibility that his hero will be disgraced.

The meaning of Ulm is then sharpened by the political conversation between Prince Andrei and Bilibin. Kutuzov’s victory at Krems has broken the spell of French invincibility, but Bilibin explains that the Austrian court does not regard it as useful news because Austria’s capital has already fallen. Vienna is occupied by the French army, Napoleon is at Schonbrunn, and the Austrians’ own leading commanders have failed. A Russian success cannot restore the strategic position destroyed by Ulm and the loss of Vienna; it is, at best, a local reversal inside a much larger disaster.

From Planned Defense to Retreat

The consequences of Ulm govern the Russian army’s movement along the Danube. Pursued by a French army of one hundred thousand under Napoleon Bonaparte, Kutuzov commands only thirty-five thousand men. The Russians face an unfriendly population, diminishing confidence in their allies, inadequate supplies, and conditions unlike those anticipated by the campaign’s planners. They fight at Lambach, Amstetten, and Melk, but these actions serve chiefly to protect the retreat and prevent the loss of heavy equipment. Their courage and endurance are acknowledged even by the enemy, yet the practical result is a still more rapid withdrawal.

The Austrian troops who escaped capture at Ulm and joined Kutuzov at Braunau subsequently separate from him, leaving him with weak and exhausted forces. The defense of Vienna becomes impossible. On October 28, Kutuzov crosses to the left bank of the Danube and places the river between his army and the main body of the French. Two days later he attacks Mortier’s division on the left bank, breaks it up, and takes banners, cannon, and two enemy generals. This victory is important precisely because it is limited: after a fortnight of retreat, the Russians halt, hold the field, and repulse the French, but they remain an army that has lost a third of its number through death, wounds, sickness, and straggling.

Ulm and the Army’s Material Reality

The campaign’s physical conditions reveal why Ulm cannot be treated merely as the consequence of a commander’s mistake. The Russian forces are ill-clad and exhausted; hospitals at Krems and houses converted into military hospitals cannot contain all the sick and wounded. Kutuzov leaves some casualties on the far side of the Danube with a letter entrusting them to the enemy’s humanity. The army’s movement is therefore shaped by roads, supplies, equipment, illness, and the need to keep its remaining strength intact as much as by orders issued in headquarters.

This material pressure contrasts with the self-important language of official explanations. In Saint Petersburg, officers discuss the declaration of war through the Emperor’s manifesto, which invokes Russia’s danger, the dignity and safety of the Empire, the sanctity of alliances, and the goal of establishing peace in Europe. Such formulas give the war a polished public rationale, while Ulm supplies its brutal practical meaning: an entire army has disappeared, an ally has failed, and Russian soldiers must retreat because the campaign’s political and strategic premises have collapsed.

Ulm in the Novel’s Larger Historical Pattern

Ulm anticipates the novel’s recurring contrast between the apparent control of rulers and generals and the actual movement of armies through innumerable local conditions. The war of 1812 is later described as beginning when millions of men cross the Russian frontier, an event that generates crimes and suffering on a scale no single diplomatic explanation can contain. Ulm belongs to the same historical pattern in miniature. Its causes can be assigned to plans, alliances, commanders, or political calculations, but its narrative force lies in the consequences that spread beyond any one intention.

The location also exposes the instability of identity within war. French officers and Russian officers may become hosts and guests after the sudden political reversal at Tilsit, while soldiers retain older feelings of anger, contempt, and fear toward the former enemy. In occupied Moscow, the French army later loses its military coherence as soldiers disperse through deserted houses and become marauders. Against these later transformations, Ulm stands as an earlier moment when an army is not yet physically dissolved but has already been strategically undone. Its surrender changes what the Russian army can hope to do, how its officers interpret victory, and how the narrative measures military power.